20 September 2024

At the recent Asean foreign ministers’ retreat in Luang Prabang, quite a few of the leaders supported Timor Leste joining Asean by next year. In particular, Malaysia, which takes over the chairmanship in 2025, made it clear that it wishes to chair an 11-member Asean.

When Asean started to enlarge its membership after the end of the Indochina war, the inclusion of Vietnam, Laos, and Myanmar, was carried out quite speedily and smoothly in 1995 and 1997.

Cambodia’s membership came a couple of years later in 1999 due to domestic circumstances.

At the time, there was considerable anxiety, even fear, that the new members would slow down the bloc’s economic integration and weigh down the Asean way due to their different economic systems and levels of development, not to menion political culture.

Now, nearly three decades later, the new members have done relatively well in assimilating with the Asean family.

Myanmar is, of course, the exception due to its current internal politics that saw the Tatmadaw seize power and throw its ties into a black hole. In April 2021, Asean banned Myanmar’s political officials from the Asean meetings.

Admittedly, at the time the global security landscape was still fresh from the end of Cold-War. The Southeast Asian countries managed to stay focus on development and  keep peace and turn the region into a land of stability and prosperity—from battlefields into marketplaces.

Today strange but true, Timor Leste’s political tag of the newest democracy has been highlighted as the region’s poor country tries to join Asean. Indeed, if this trend continues unabated, it can further complicate its planned membership.

Dili’s leaders have often caused uneasiness among their Asean colleagues with their exhortation of democracy, as if this would be the number one prerequisite to joining Asean.

It is not. For Asean, economic and social readiness and other capacities including English language-speaking officials and the capacity to attend and host several hundreds of meetings annually are far more important as they are required actions.

Beginning last year, Timor Leste was allowed to attend all Asean meetings to observe and learn. At the retreat. the Asean leaders decided that the Dili representatives would be able to put forward their ideas and comments at all the Asean meetings while they were waiting for full membership.

After independence in 2002, there was a strong signal from Dili that the former Portuguese colony wanted to join both Asean and the South Pacific Forum. Its leaders argued that Timor Leste could serve as a bridge between Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands.

However, it is now clear that Dili has placed priority to be with Asean. The young democracy officially applied for Asean membership in 2011.

Since then, Timor Leste has been working very hard to fulfil the requirements set forth by Asean. One of the most important steps is to open its embassies in all member countries.

Gradually, East Timor has incrementally strengthened its overall capacity to tackle Asean meetings and issues related to all three pillars—political/security, economic, and social-culture.

Last year, the Asean leaders endorsed a roadmap outlining steps for Timor Leste to become the bloc’s 11th member which covers political, security, economic, and socio-cultural pillars.

Furthermore, Dili has to accede to a total of 66 key agreements related to all cooperation within the bloc.

When the Asean leaders meet again in Melbourne next week for a special Asean-Australia summit to commemorate the 50th anniversary of their relationship, Timor Leste’s membership could pop up again on the sideline.

By that time, it will be clear if Asean will indeed have a new member by next year.

by Kavi Chongkittavorn